The Reproduction of Hegemony: Examining Philippine Fraternities as a Neoliberal and Post-Colonial Social Formation

A Critical Reflection Paper submitted for the course The Philippine Social System (SOCIO 114) of the University of the Philippines Diliman

Systems Covered: 

Colonialism and Post-Colonialism

Capitalism and Neoliberalism

Patriarchy, gender and heteronormativity

Fraternities play a role in reproducing hegemony in the social, political, and economic spheres. Fraternity men and their affiliations have dominated government departments as well as industries, producing a clear line of where power starts and ends. In the capitalist mode of production, Kelly (2001) argues that capitalism can be socialized in the form of social relations and formations, the economic and non-economic line of capitalism being almost indistinguishable from one another. 

We begin this paper by appropriating the unit of analysis which borrows from Immanuel Wallerstein’s proposition for macrosocial inquiry. Here, Wallerstein posits that the proper analysis for the modern world is neither class, state, society, or country, but the larger historical system in which these categories are located. Through this proposition, we will identify how the different subsystems of post-colonialism, capitalism and neoliberalism, as well as patriarchy conspire to institutionalize Philippine fraternities as a hegemonic social formation, nodding to the framework of Niklas Luhmann’s systems theory. Luhmann's theory offers a nuanced perspective on these complex interactions, emphasizing the interconnectedness of various social systems.

In examining fraternities as a neoliberal and post-colonial social formation, it becomes apparent that it is not only the system of patriarchy that is in effect in such organizations, but also the system of post-colonialism (as a reason of being) and the system of neoliberalism (as a reason of persisting). This critique shows how fraternities influence and shape the superstructure of societal dynamics as an institution which perpetuates the base, and hazing as a phenomenon which gatekeeps access to power, reproducing hegemony.

Post-Colonialism: The Reason of Being

Fraternities in the Philippines are remnants of its colonial past, having been colonized by Spain and the United States. Before achieving liberation from Spain in 1896 and the United States in 1946, the local intelligentsia needed to demonstrate deservedness to rule through statesmanship, academic excellence, and discipline that met, if not surpassed, colonial standards (Gutierrez, 2018). Having achieved independence yet still recovering from the wounds of the revolution, the pressure on men was to rebuild the nation. 

The first official fraternal organization which found its way in the country is Freemasonry. Introduced in the late 18th century,  it found its way into the country through Spanish and Filipino individuals who were exposed to Masonic teachings abroad, particularly in Europe. It gained popularity among the educated elite and intellectuals who were advocating for reforms and changes in the society and governance of the Philippines, and thus played a significant role in the movement for Philippine independence. Many prominent Filipino nationalists and leaders such as Jose Rizal and Andres Bonifacio were Freemasons. Masonic lodges became spaces for discussions, enlightenment, and camaraderie among those who sought political and social reforms. During the American colonial period, Freemasonry continued to thrive and expanded its influence through the formation of the Grand Lodge of the Philippines in 1912, which in itself was made through the approval of the Grand Lodge of California.

Greek Fraternities, however, were introduced to the Philippines during the period of American rule (1898-1946) when the Americans were modeling the educational system of the Philippines to that of theirs. The concept of fraternities and sororities was implemented then in Philippine universities and colleges, with the Upsilon Sigma Phi of the University of the Philippines being the first established Greek fraternity. The University of the Philippines in itself is a colonial institution, founded in 1908.

In a post-colonial context, the presence of these fraternities echoes the complexities of colonial legacies. Young Filipino men continue to look up to the overarching masculinity extolled in the generations of fraternities, symbolizing these institutions to be gateways to success. Filipino masculinity is identified in a dissertation by Valledor-Lukey (2012) to profess traits such as having affinity, being strong, principled, brave, stubborn, and boastful. With these being used to define pagkalalaki (masculinity), these principles too are being used to justify the gravity of fraternity applications which slips into hazing.

Nevertheless, many still join fraternities despite cases and allegations of violence. They still attract members because fraternities list generations of alumni who started as frat leaders who became successful in their own industries, may it be in their political or business lives. 

Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu proposes that individuals compete for economic, cultural, social and symbolic capital in order to gain dominant positions within institutional fields. (Swartz, 2013). As fraternities offer social capital through their fraternal connections and symbolic capital through its established ethos, we must acknowledge that the prevailing system of capitalism is what remains to be the reason why there exists a need for capital. As neoliberalism perpetuates the capitalist competition, we now argue that neoliberalism is the reason of fraternities for persisting 

Neoliberalism: The Reason of Persisting

Fraternities, as a post-colonial social formation, also operate within the broader systems of capitalism and neoliberalism. They function as microcosms reflecting and perpetuating the values of individualism, competition, and market-oriented thinking. As a system, neoliberalism revolves around the belief in free-market capitalism and limited government intervention. Ir promotes individual responsibility and competition as the driving force for economic and social progress. With fraternities’ focus on the “personal advancement,” training, and networking, they conform to the standards set by a capitalist economy. 

Success is often measured by individual achievements. The higher your success and symbolic capital, the faster you rise into hierarchical structures. Such is the logic of neoliberal capitalism, epitomizing the ideals of success and offering a network that provides a gateway to opportunities and influential connections. It has become an hegemonic ideology (Bello, 2009). As universities continue to become neoliberal institutions, creating connections has become ingrained in their culture. The education system has become commercialized and Philippine universities have now become a factory of workers preparing to be exported abroad (Lanuza, 2022). What better way to climb up the ladder than to join organizations which will give you opportunities to climb up the ladder? 

As the educational system adopts a market-driven approach, fraternities position themselves as avenues to gain a competitive edge in a neoliberal-driven society, persisting and reinforcing autopoiesis within a neoliberal hegemony. The neoliberal restructuring of education has only boosted the role of fraternities as conduits for professional success. However, it does not come for free as nothing in capitalism comes for free. In neoliberalism, challenges are catalysts for personal growth and entitlement to privileges. Thus, fraternities have created rites of passage which are intrinsically difficult to overcome and mentally and physically challenging. 

The perpetuation of hazing rituals within fraternities holds neoliberal values of resilience and individualism. More importantly, the perpetuation of violence intersects with the definition of masculinity and the patriarchy.

Hazing and the Patriarchy: Autopoiesis of a Post-Colonial and Neoliberal Hegemony

Fraternities often uphold hegemonic patriarchal norms and heteronormativity (Ram, 2019). Traditional fraternity cultures may reinforce stereotypical notions of masculinity, creating an environment that excludes or marginalizes those who don't conform to these norms. Luhmann's theory emphasizes the autonomy of systems, highlighting how fraternities, as self-referential systems, maintain their internal codes and rules while being influenced by external systems. However, this autonomy doesn't imply isolation; instead, it stresses the interdependence and continual exchange between different systems. 

The perpetuation of hazing rituals within fraternities—argued earlier as a result of neoliberal thought—intersects with the definition of masculinity and the patriarchy. Hazing rituals often emphasize physical endurance, stoicism, and the suppression of emotions, traits which are traditionally associated with the idealized image of masculinity. In adhering to these rituals, applicants (called neophytes or pledges) are expected to display toughness and resilience. 

The concept of masculinity ingrained within these rituals is not only a remnant of colonial legacies but also a product of the patriarchal society that continues to dictate gender roles and expectations. Fraternity culture glorifies a hypermasculine ideal, reinforcing the notion that to be a man means to be dominant, aggressive, and unyielding. The impact of hazing extends beyond the confines of fraternity walls as it contributes to a broader culture that normalizes and perpetuates violence for the sake of power.

Thus, the overlapping systems of patriarchy, post-colonialism, and neoliberalism within fraternity culture creates a self-perpetuating system—an autopoiesis of hegemony. This system not only reproduces gender norms but also serves the interests of maintaining neoliberal power structures within a post-colonial country. Fraternities become a microcosm of society where the values of dominance, competition, and the preservation of established hierarchies are cultivated and passed down through generations. To challenge this cycle of hegemony, it becomes imperative to deconstruct the intersecting systems at play—questioning and reshaping notions of masculinity, dismantling patriarchal structures, and challenging the capitalist ideals that prioritize individual success over communal well-being. 

Abolishing Frats: A Synthesis?

We have used Immanuel Wallerstein’s method of macrosocial inquiry as well as Niklas Luhmann’s Theory of Autopoietic Social Systems in this examination of hazing and fraternities. We now understand that in Luhmannian terms, fraternities operate as subsystems within the broader societal system, and to understand fraternities within the context of post-colonialism, neoliberalism, and patriarchy unveils the suffocating web of power relations that perpetuate hegemonic systems. These relations shape both the base (through economic activities, power structures, and social relations) and the superstructure (norms, values, and cultural practices) of society.

Calls for #AbolishFrats have been circulating in social media upon allegations of hazing, frat-related violence, sexual harassment, and most especially the cases of death through hazing. But is abolishing fraternities as a social formation and institution, one that is born out of the Empires of post-colonialism, neoliberalism, and the patriarchy really a solution?

Joining fraternities is an issue of freedom of association. Banning them will create reasons for the organizations to go underground, making it harder to regulate their operation. Abolishing them will create other types of organizations which will fulfill the same function and create the same structure. To quote Robert M. Pirsig in his work Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance: An Inquiry Into Values, we argue that what should be abolished are the patterns of thought, rationality, and the overlapping systems in itself. But that seems to be so hard, too radical, too impossible. 

We end with his note.

To speak of certain government and establishment institutions as “the system” is to speak correctly, since these organizations are founded upon the same structural conceptual relationships as a motorcycle… But to tear down a factory or to revolt against a government or to avoid repair of a motorcycle because it is a system is to attack effects rather than causes; and as long as the attack is upon effects only, no change is possible. The true system, the real system, is our present construction of systematic thought itself, rationality itself, and if a factory is torn down but the rationality which produced it is left standing, then that rationality will simply produce another factory. If a revolution destroys a systematic government, but the systematic patterns of thought that produced that government are left intact, then those patterns will repeat themselves in the succeeding government. There’s so much talk about the system. And so little understanding.

References:

Bello, W. (2009). Neoliberalism as hegemonic ideology in the Philippines: Rise, apogee, and crisis. Philippine Sociological Review, 57, 9-19.

Gutierrez, F. C. (2019). Violence and hypermasculinity in university fraternity initiations: Situating the reproduction of masculinity in the Philippines. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 27(3), 243-264.

Kelly, P. F. (2001). The political economy of local labor control in the Philippines. Economic Geography, 77(1), 1-22.

Lanuza, G. M. (2022). Neo-fascism as the Apparatus of Neoliberalism's Assault on Philippine Higher Education: Towards an Anti-Fascist Pedagogy. KRITIKE: An Online Journal of Philosophy, 16(1).

Swartz, D. L. (2013). Symbolic power, politics, and intellectuals: The political sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. University of Chicago Press.

Pirsig, R. (1974). Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance: An Inquiry into Values. William Morrow and Company

Ram, A. K. (2019). Masculinity in Fraternities: Impact on Campus Sexual Violence. PSU McNair Scholars Online Journal, 13(1), 4.

Valledor-Lukey, V. V. (2012). Pagkababae at pagkalalake (femininity and masculinity) Developing a Filipino gender trait inventory and predicting self-esteem and sexism (Doctoral dissertation, Syracuse University).